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"As a systematic introduction to the philosophical foundations of postliberalism, this timely book reveals how the idea of personal values have served to divide and segregate people rather than uniting them under a shared common good. Also discussed are the contemporary interplay of sovereignty and morality and religion and politics"--

Il secondo convegno nazionale suI personalismo si e svolto nei giorni 8-9-10 gennaio, a quattro anni di distanza dal I convegno, a Teramo, cittadina abruzzese che comincia a proporsi come "centro di riferimento del personalismo comunitario" a livello Europeo, come hanno confermato i politici presenti (" n Centro di ricerche personaliste -ha sottolineato l'on. Aiardi- vuole sviluppare anche dopo il convegno questa pista di ricercasu persona e post-liberismo, caratterlzzandosi come centro che privilegia il rapporto tra cuItura ed etica dei comportamenti"). ; N/A

Contemporary development of Christian political theology has been marked, among others, by a turn to liturgy. At first glance, such a turn might be easily associated with the sound principle of the inextricable connection between vita activa and vita contemplativa. The turn to liturgy, therefore, aims to affirm that mystics (the life of prayer) and politics (social engagement) should go hand in hand. However, does this classical idea stand as the sole reason for the turn to liturgy in the contemporary discussion in political theology? In this article, the author argues that while this classical argument still provides part of the answer to that question, the turn to liturgy in contemporary political theology to a considerable extent deals with the question of self-definition of the Church in exercising its political engagement. The turn to liturgy insists that the Church is inherently political, and thus its political significance is not defined by its relationship with the politics of the state alone. On the contrary, the political nature of the Church and its political role wells up from its identity as the sign and instrument of the Kingdom of God. As such, in its political engagement, the Church ought not to be considered merely as a social or voluntary organization.

Rudolf Bultmann's controversial program of demythologizing has been the subject of constant debate since it was first announced in 1941. It is widely held that this program indicates Bultmann's departure from the dialectical theology he once shared with Karl Barth. In the 1950s, Barth thus referred to their relationship as that of a whale and an elephant: incapable of meaningful communication. This study proposes a contrary reading of demythologizing as the hermeneutical fulfillment of dialectical theology on the basis of a reinterpretation of Barth's theological project.

Title Page -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- Abbreviations -- Introduction -- Chapter 1: Secularization and Religious Resurgence in Eschatological Perspective -- Chapter 2: Reinhold Niebuhr and the Postliberals -- Chapter 3: Wales as a Stateless Nation -- Chapter 4: "Hebrew" Modernity as "Christian Heresy" -- Chapter 5: Rowan Williams as Hegelian Political Theologian -- Chapter 6: Israel and Jesus -- Chapter 7: Conclusion -- Bibliography.

Front Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright Information -- Contents -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- Abbreviations -- Introduction -- 1. Secularization and Religious Resurgencein Eschatological Perspective -- 2. Reinhold Niebuhr and the Postliberals: The Fate of Liberal Protestant American Zionism -- 3. Wales as a Stateless Nation: Ambivalence Concerning Recognition in Theology andSocial Theory -- 4. "Hebrew" modernity as "Christian heresy":John Milbank's theology and social theory Deciphered -- 5. Rowan Williams as Hegelian Political theologian: Resacralizing Secular Politics -- 6. Israel and Jesus: Recognition, Election, and Redemption -- Conclusion -- Bibliography -- Back Cover.

This article offers a critical assessment of two political theologies: liberation theology & theological postliberalism, as represented by the writings of Gustavo Gutierrez & John Milbank. Paying particular attention to the concepts of society & Church, a partial defense of liberation theology is offered in tandem with a critical affirmation of some aspects of postliberal political theology. The discussion is then contextualized historically in relation to the "victory" of global capitalism & the "end" of socialism. I conclude that the renewal of political theology in the 21st century will aim to overcome the ironic "crux theologica" of this article's title. Adapted from the source document.

The possibilities for taking theological ethics 'public' have taken on added significance amidst debates over the nature of moral norms. If realist theological ethics can find a public voice, it will enhance the prospects for interreligious ethical collaboration & the place of theology in it. A key question remains whether particular contexts of religious symbols render them meaningful only within communities of 'origin', or particularity actually enables broadly compelling meaning or a public voice for theology. At issue in the Tracy-Lindbeck debate are their understandings of 'public', their responses to philosophical anti-foundationalism, & their theological presuppositions. While postliberal emphases on the distinctiveness of the Christian community & attention to the ecclesial community complement Tracy's emphases on dialogue & coherence, Tracy's recent methods provide more adequate responses to the challenges posed by postmodernism. 26 References. Adapted from the source document.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- 1 Anglo-American Postmodernity -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Modern Thought -- 3. An Emerging Postmodern Philosophy -- 4. Conclusion -- Part I Philosophy of Science -- 2 Scientific Realism and Postmodern Philosophy -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Scientific Realisms -- 3. The Controversy -- 4. Exceptions That Prove the Rule -- 5. Conclusion -- 3 Postmodern Antirelativism -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Postmodern Relativism -- 3. Postmodern Nonrelativism -- 4. Conclusion -- 4 Postmodern Proliferation and Progress in Science -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Two Models of Mental Illness -- 3. Evaluation -- 4. The Contribution of the Psychosocial Model -- 5. Medical Research of the Future: An Integrated Model -- 6. Conclusion -- Part II Philosophy of Religion -- 5 Beyond Modern Liberalism and Fundamentalism -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Foundationalism and Theological Method -- 3. Modern Theories of Language -- 4. Science, Causation, and Divine Action -- 5. The Pervasive Consequences of Theories of Divine Action -- 6. Conclusion -- 6 Philosophical Resources for Postmodern Conservative Theology -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Postliberal Theology -- 3. Postmodern Conservative Theology -- 4. Conclusion -- 7 Postmodern Philosophy of Language and Textual Relativism -- 1. Introduction -- 2. McClendon and Smith's Use of Austin -- 3. The Relativity of Textual Interpretation -- 4. An Austinian Answer to Textual Indeterminacy -- 5. Historical Distance and the baptist Vision -- 6. Conclusion -- Part III Science, Religion, and Ethics -- 8 Theology and Postmodern Philosophy of Science -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The Evidential Value of Religious Experience -- 3. Data and Theories of Instrumentation -- 4. Theological Equivalents of Theories of Instrumentation

Preliminary Material -- Introduction -- The Liberal Potential of Global Ethics Ethics and Religious Faith -- The Nature of Global Ethics -- The Content of Global Ethics -- The Postliberal Potential of Global Ethics The Rational Method: The Aristotelian Line -- The Positive Method: The Augustinian Line -- The Postliberal Approach and Exclusivism -- Encountering Exclusive Difference: A Starting Point for Dialogue -- Concluding Remarks -- References -- Index.

Michael Hardt, Antonio Negri, & Giorgio Agamben are among a handful of contemporary continental philosophers whose thought of the political proves simultaneously most salutary & vexing for the task of articulating a postliberal Augustinian political theology. Their accounts of the political problem of the early twenty-first century West are most helpful while their anticipation of democracy raises serious questions about the viability of the church as a political formation capable of escaping the clutches of the current terror. In the end I argue that the hope nurtured by Agamben, Hardt & Negri fails to hold out the promise of life beyond empire & this because finally they, & not an Augustinian church, are insufficiently democratic. Adapted from the source document.